I
have been reading two new books, both which are of interest to the study
of fascism. The first is Esther Leslie's Synthetic
Worlds (just published by Reaktion), a study in the encounter between
chemistry and philosophy. Although Goethe, Marx and Walter Benjamin all
have walk-on parts, the most interesting chapters of the book for me are the sixth and the seventh, 'Nazi Rainbows' and 'Abstraction and
Extraction in the Third Reich'. Leslie shows that the giant combine IG
Farben had interests which partially overlapped with those of the NSDAP,
and partly contradicted them. As early as 1931, the Farben directors were
calling for a German dictatorship. In power, however, the company had to
be purged of Jewish managers, directors and scientists. Official histories
of the company made much of its Nazi future, much of the role it could
play in providing ersatz products for a country preparing for war.
'For
the Nazis', Esther Leslie writes, 'art imitated the external look of
nature. Science and technology improved on nature, brining progress to
humanity through the laboratory creation of better substances, colours,
textiles. But the goal of science and technology was the ensuring of
victory in war, which is, in effect, an assault on nature, on landscapes
as on life. This was the Nazi materiality beneath the ideology of nature,
blood and soil. As war advanced, so too did scientists' inventiveness. The
sublimity of the skies was to be ripped up.'
The
other is the new edition of Paul Ginsborg's biography of Silvio
Berlusconi(published by Verso, in time for this year's
election). Ginsborg argues convincingly that Berlusconi should not be seen
as latter-day Mussolini. There is that politics in his coalition, but it
does not dominate. Instead, Berlusconi succeeds in establishing an
alliance between crony capitalists, media lawyers, and Berlusconi
loyalists (Forza Italia), admirers of Mussolini (Alleanza Nazionale) and
racists of a non-fascist origin (Lega Nord). Really, Ginsborg's book is
about the concentration of media ownership, and the possibility that opens
up for figures of the type of Bernard Tapie and Michael Bloomberg, Roberto
Marinho and Cem Uzan, Thaksin Shinawatra and Rupert Murdoch, Donald Trump,
Steve Forbes and Ross Perot. 'Italy's present experience', Ginsborg
writes, 'has a significance that goes beyond the narrow and complicated
realm of the country's politics'.
Ginsborg's
book helps us to see the difference between an authoritarian centre-right
and the politics of fascism. Consumerism, family life and self-interest
create a politics more normal, more subtle than those of dictatorship.
'The whole point of the sort of regime which Berlusconi has tried to
install is that it is based on formal political liberties, on continuing
freedoms in everyday life, even on spaces left open for opposition in the
media system, even on satire aimed at the Leader on his own television
channels. Berlusconi takes such mild mockings in good spirit, flashes his
famous smile at his detractors and marks in this way his distance from the
grimacing Mussolini.'