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November 2005: addendum
Just
to add that someone at Sheffield University has taken since down
the link to David Baker piece I cited below, which means that the
text is no longer on the web anywhere; although there's still a
reference to it on David's own page
and of course it's also still in the Google cache. I suppose
people interested in David's original should just write to him at
his email address: David.Baker@warwick.ac.uk.
22
October 2005:
On
being a punch-bag
I recently read David Baker's piece up on the web arguing for a
new 'political
economy of fascism'.
My
book Fascism: Theory and Practice receives some pasting along the
way: For example, a sentence in my original suggests that the
ideological position of fascism as a 'neither right nor left'
ideology corresponds in some ways to the weak economic situation of
small producers under capitalism. This is now re-interpreted to mean
that I see fascism as a class-ideology of the rich: 'Any
conventional Marxist approaching the questions posed in this
paper, would conclude that any "fascist political
economy" was a "myth" - if judged by its own
assertions, but a "reality" in terms of its capitalist
class-biased intent - since all fascist doctrines are ultimately
myths designed to masks a deeper collusion between the interests
of capital and the leaders of fascism to preserve and protect the
interests of the said capitalism, however they may be mediated by
relative autonomy from the forces of capitalism itself.'
In another damning aside, Baker claims that 'Renton’s
assertion appears little more than a modern nuanced recycling of
Trotsky’s original version of the Bonapartist thesis'. Take out
the negative language, and that actually strikes me as a pretty
accurate reading of how the book is presents itself: not as a new
theory, but as a summary of the Marxist literature to date.
Baker's paper then confronts very similar points to the ones which
he claims are wrongly put in my book: including fascism's
ideological incoherence and its tendencies to adopt to capitalist
social relationships: in his words, 'the undoubtedly
accomodationist (to big business) design of the actual corporative
system under Fascist rule
in Italy was a consequence of political decisions taken by
Mussolini
under pressure from political proponents and organic intellectuals
(philosophers and jurists) within the fascist movement (most
notably
Bottai, Rocco, and Edmondo Rossoni) as well a business interests,
rather than the fruits of any theoretical elaboration by leading
professional economists.'
Oddly, Tim Mason becomes Paul Mason. Odder still, but in a fashion
depressingly familiar in British writers commenting on generic
fascism (and it is a crime of which I am thorough guilty myself!), the speeches of Oswald Mosley are used to make historical
comments about the character of Italian and German fascist
governments
in power.
Then having accused Marxists of reducing fascism to myth, comes
another paragraph in which the paper deprecates fascism's failure to rise
precisely above myth:
'to fascism's supposed adherence to forms of "third way"
economics, again
when translated into the overheated rhetoric of fascist
propaganda,
this appears little more of a mobilising myth to identify fascism
apart from its chief enemies and rivals - liberalism and communism
(i.e. "we are neither for atheistic expropriatory communism, nor
for
crisis plagued and immiserating monopoly capitalism") instead of
the
sophisticated system of political economy Gentile intended it to
be.'
Reading it all, and reflecting that my book was written 9 nine
years
ago when I was 24, and published two years after that: I was
rather
surprised to see how well how much of the argument stands up, despite the
intended mauling.
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